M. Krasikov
Ukrainian student subculture as mirrored in
epigraphy
The fact that the studentship is a special
unique subculture, that is “a sovereign integrated formation
within the reining culture which is distinctive by its own scale
of values, its customs and norms”
1, as well as by its slang and folklore, has long been
obvious not only to researchers (cultural studies and political
studies researchers, ethnographers, folklorists, psychologists,
philosophers, linguists, sociologists) but also for those who
were once lucky to belong to this corporate community.
For the past 15 years in the
republics of the former Soviet Union (especially in Russia) there
has been a growing interest in the modern student subculture on
the part of folklorists and ethnographers which is stipulated by
the democratization of public life and the attention to
non-formal cultural formations, youth formations in particular in
all their diversity
2. It is quite logical that we find a
Student traditions chapter in the
Modern City Folklore collected works
– the first and, alas, the last up to now fundamental work
on the subject
3. The majority of the works on the modern studentship
describes omens and superstitions, specific rituals ( before
examinations, transitory etc), jokes, tales (fables) and other
narratives, sometimes there are also humoristic decodings of
abbreviated words, “key words” and dictionaries of slang.
We are going to try and consider
student subculture through the alembic of epigraphy (graffiti) –
writings and drawings on desks, walls, various interior objects,
billboards etc.
Our work is based on a considerable
collection, completed in 1990-2005 by the author in the National
Technical University “Kharkiv Polytechnic Institute” (NTU
“KhPI”), Kharkiv National Karazin University (KhNU), Kharkiv
State Academy of Culture (KhSAC) and Kyiv National Shevchenko
University (KNU). The results of 1999, 2001 and 2005 students
polling will also be considered.
Why is epigraphy so eternally
attractive for students?
Unlike other folklore genres,
sometimes put into written form for the sake of memorization
(mnemonic purpose), (in songs collections, demobbed albums etc),
for teenagers fixation of some texts on everything that comes to
hand is only occasionally aimed to facilitate memorization, but
basically
it is the elemental manifestation of free self-expression and
its purpose is communicative. We should take into account
that “the doers of graffiti are not always their authors but much
more often their “translators” and “are representatives of a
certain behavioral stereotype” (namely, group stereotype).
However, there is much of the personality in the act, as the
choice of a “lyric hero” always takes place. In fact, it stands
for choosing the self-image, “which the writer creates, which he
identifies himself with – consciously or subconsciously –
firstly, by the very fact of writing and, secondly, by the
content and the form of the inscription”
4.
Out of the first-year students of
three departments of KhPI (168 people, 59 female and 109 male),
questioned by us in 2001, only 13.5% (22 people, 12 boys and 10
girls) never write or draw on desks. 7.1% (12 people, 11 boys and
1 girl) mark desks with graffiti
regularly. As it has been expected, the majority – 78.2%
(134 people) do it sometimes or occasionally (86 boys and 48
girls, 78.8% and 81.3% respectively). In March, 2005, we
questioned first-year students of three departments and
fifth-year students of one department of KhPI and got similar
results.
In 2005 the respondents were asked
the question: “Why do you think people write on desks and walls?”
The most typical answers were: “Because they convey their ideas
that come up suddenly and [a person – M.K.] is overwhelmed by
certain emotions”, “to be humorous”, “because you wouldn’t write
a thing like that in a newspaper”, “out of idleness”,
“self-expression + boredom“, “fools have nothing else to do”, “to
express feelings, thoughts, stupidity”, “they understand nothing
[of the lecture – M.K.], that’s why they are bored”, “they want
to stand out (writing on the desk is poetry for them”, “to leave
their mark for the future generations!”, “some people would like
to put down their poems, thoughts for others to know”, “to write
tests with the help of desks writings (formulas)”, “not too
bright”, “sometimes you just want to play a little dirty trick”,
“they are inspired by their Muse”, “they want all people around
them to know their ideas”, “a)out of boredom; b)out of excessive
sense of humor; c)in defiance of rules that prohibit doing it”,
“they don’t know why they are doing it themselves”, “out of lack
of communication” etc.
It is characteristic that many
respondents, without long consideration, give one and the same
motivation for everybody – most often it is “out of boredom” or
“for the sake of self-expression!!!”, not less often it is the
need of communication (lack of communication) or “a historical
mark”, “a means to be remembered”. Less people (about 40%)
differentiate the motivations of different writers, for example,
as follows:
“People write to:
a) put down their telephone number, their name
or group-number etc”;
b) give vent to their good or bad mood
(appropriate pictures);
c) express their attitude to some people in
the group or course, their attitude to teachers;
d) express their attitude to sports, music or
politics”.
We could hardly agree to the following
statement of one of the respondents: “If lectures were more
interesting, there would be less writing”. Boredom is not the
only and most likely not the main “impetus” for the graffiti. The
key motivation for “desk-writers” are the unquenchable
existential significant need
to raise their voice about their values and priorities in
a most straightforward way, being unafraid to be mocked (a
characteristic reply is “to express emotions without saying them
aloud”) or misunderstood (this is where lies the great
psychotherapeutic force of the thing – such a session of
“creative work” is, in fact, “art-therapy” and in many cases can
help as much as a visit to a psychologist). The author of
graffiti knows perfectly well (and deep down counts on the fact)
that his every saying, sign, picture left on the desk or the wall
is almost doomed to dialogical (polylogical) “communication”,
whose significant charm lies in partial or complete
anonymity. In fact, walls and desks had been
a forerunner of Internet, that allows now to exist
comfortably under “nicks” and to gush one’s “Phew!” and “Wows!”
towards everything in the world, frisking about thousands of
sites. (By the way, S.Y. Nekludov is absolutely right in stating
the importance and great prospects of studying “Internet as a
quasi-folklore environment”
5). Nevertheless, we would take the risk to suggest
that even if the World Web creeps into every household, the
number of those who choose to scrape or draw in an old-fashioned
way on suitable surfaces in public places will not diminish, for
“the real reality” has a certain advantage as compared to the
virtual reality. This advantage was very well described by one of
our respondents: “… It is nice to see your writings appear in
other university buildings and class-rooms. You feel like an
unknown celebrity”.
Naturally, autographs on walls and desks are a
means of marking a new (neutral or alien) space and of
familiarizing oneself with it (“appropriating it”). This is the
meaning of the omnipresent “Vasja was here”-type signs. With
students (and this is symptomatic) these are not so much
individual autographs (“memories”) as collective (group,
department) “nicks”, which is related to
collective self-identification and collective
self-assertion:
In any class-room in any institute we can find
desks covered by columns of academic groups’ names (sometimes in
various artistic and calligraphic manners). Often the name is
accompanied by the English “
the best”. Researchers rightly liken this kind of graffiti
to animals marking their territory
6. However, following the idea of A. Plutzer-Sarno, we
tend to view even such simple writings not only as “territorial
signs to mark the area” or the communicative space, but as the
means (quite subconscious on the level of reason) of magical
influence on the world, as metatexts with the regulating function
7.
In general, student life is the key
subject of writings and pictures, which is the evidence of
subcultural interests prevailing over “common” ones. However,
such common topics as music, sports, erotica, alcohol and (rather
less common) politics are also quite popular with students and
graffiti prove it in an eloquent way.
It is worth mentioning that most of writings
and drawings are not of a serious nature, but humorous (most
often) or ironic. If a serious text crops up (a saying or a
lyrical outburst), it can hardly pass without a jeering
commentary. Humor is the element of freedom, its pet child, and
there is nothing strange about the fact that
the dominant feature of Ukrainian students (at least, of
those who raise their voice epigraphically from time to time) is
not simply the sense of humor but
the constant inclination towards “humorous”( free)
perception of any event, be it of the most serious nature –
ranging from inter-university to state or international levels.
Most pictures (especially erotic) are caricatures, erotic
writings play with the subject of oral sex (still viewed as
perverted by the conservative “adult” society) and homosexual
relations, using almost exclusively “non-parliamentary”
expressions primarily for the sake of joshing. On the other hand,
it is also a manifestation of freedom, the verbal and artistic
affirmation of the personality’s right to the non-interference in
the private life of a young person on the part of the society
(with its archaic and often bigoted moral restriction on
out-of-wedlock sex). The pronounced cynicism of certain writings,
the rudeness and vulgarity of remarks regarding the opposite sex
(often coming from girls) do not always reflect the real attitude
but are often
a play mask. In fact, graffiti are a phenomenon of
playing consciousness. In view of this, even obvious
verbal aggression, “atrocious” invectives of xenophobic,
misanthropic or personal nature should not be treated very
seriously. This is nothing more but
a substitute to actional aggression.
We will try to analyze in detail those
graffiti that reflect student life, its uncomplicated events,
attitudes to the learning process, to teachers and
friends.
The decodings of the self-identifying word
“student” (
Rus. -
ñòóäåíò
) give us quite a traditional image of a
student (familiar for us from thousands of jokes), which can be
translated as “ a sleepy theoretically intelligent kid naturally
disinclined to study”.
Or there is another version, quite popular in
Kharkiv: “A haul of money is urgently needed. Nothing to eat.
Full stop”. Also quite a folklore image.
The process of studying is of course the most
burning issue in the student folklore. On desks and walls we can
find parody slogans: “Sleep, student! The country needs healthy
specialists!” (KhSAC, KhPI), “epitaphs”: “This is where an
atrocious assassination of Time took place!” and wise sayings
(reconsidered and added-to proverbs and sayings): “Learning
brings light, and you have to pay for the light“ (KNU), maxims,
parodying religious commandments: “You shall not snore at the
lecture for snoring you will awaken your neighbor” (KNU,
variations can be found in many Kharkiv universities), “You shall
love you teacher for the dog is a pal for the human”(KNU) and
more or less tumultuous reactions to what is going on in the
class-room (silenced
cri de coeur): “We are people though we are students”,
“All I hanker after right now is beer!”, “Don’t shout! I want to
sleep!”, “We have been fucked”, “Shit!!! What’s gonna happen to
me?!! FACK!!! I am in an asshole!!!”, “Not ready for the seminar!
Sod OFF!”, “I’ll re-pass” (KNU), “that’s it!!! I am
shocked!!!!!”, “Home, home, it’s time to go home” (KhPI) etc.
Despair is in many cases exaggerated and grotesque, as it can be
clearly observed.
There is probably not an institute, not a
single class-room in the whole of the former Soviet Union where
you could not find a drawing of a simple device accompanied with
the corresponding instruction.
There are also inscriptions under the
picture:
“Button for switching off the lecturer. Press
with the forehead and wait”. “Button for catapulting the lecturer
into space. If it does not work, try by hand”, “Button for
switching off the lecturer. Press with the lecturer’s forehead
ten times”.
Of course, almost every class-room can “boast”
of a caricature pictures of “favorite” teachers, often
accompanied with offensive inscriptions, for example, “S. is a
bitch”.
Sometimes the following picture is drawn on
the vertical surface turned to the class:
On the walls and desks there are enough
writings addressed to the pedagogical staff and few of them are
positive.
Most often they read as follows: “Look here,
Maz, we gonna meet in a dark alley. Well-wisher and Co.”
There are many unaddressed writings of a
generalizing nature:
“Fuck you prepod – son of a bitch”; “A good
teacher is a dead teacher” etc.
It even makes one think about the rightness of
the maxim inscribed on one of the desks in the graffiti-famous
class-room 214EC in KhPI: ”If students’ prayers were answered,
there would not be a single teacher left alive”.
Naturally, there are a lot of poetic works
dedicated to the hardships of students’ life.
There is a remarkable example of playing with
the Soviet symbols in a picture expressing the author’s attitude
to learning:
Sometimes the drawing of the crossed hammer
and sickle goes without verbal commentaries, but only some
first-year students on seeing the picture on the desk can treat
it as a sign of students’ commitment to communistic ideals and of
their nostalgia after USSR and not as a call to skip
lectures.
In any big city’s student community there are
teasing verses directed at students of different professions,
humoristic explanations of the universities’ abbreviated names
and jokes and anecdotes on the subject.
As we do not have the opportunity (on account
of the volume limitations) to dwell upon either the purely
erotic, musical, sport, political topics of student graffiti or
the latrine (toilet) “classics” and additions to written message,
we would like to say that in this sphere we can observe the same
situation as was described by K.E. Shumov on the basis of his
Perm materials. In many points our research backs up the
observations and conclusions made by the authors of the
City Graffiti article. However, not all of them.
Namely, we believe it is too early (at least,
for Kharkiv) to conclude, as it has been done by our Russian
colleagues, that “lately the society has ceased to be actively
discuss and disapproved of writing on walls in public places and
to treat it as reprehensive and marking its doer’s behavior as
anti- or asocial”
8. In 2001 18.8% of the students questioned stated
their negative attitude to writing on desks or walls, while in
2005 it was 16.4%. There is a certain reduction but it is not
significant enough.
When asked if they had heard remarks from
their teachers about those who wrote or drew on the desks, 63.2%
answered positively in 2001, and 46.4% answered positively in
2005. Although we can observe a clear downward tendency, 46.4%
does not seem a small figure.
So, it is too early to speak about tolerance
to graffiti on the part of the older generation (pedagogues, in
particular, and they are a community apart).
We cannot agree either with the final
conclusion of the authors of
City Graffiti: “Modern graffiti are losing their
significance as a sign of protest or alternative to the official
culture and actualizing their dialogical material they are
extending to the maximum their “sphere of influence” in the
communicative system of the modern city… At the same time… the
difference between intragraffiti and extragraffiti level of
communication is practically disappearing…”
9
Without dwelling upon all the types of modern
graffiti and speaking only about student graffiti we cannot say
that they are losing their oppositionist function. On the
contrary, epigraphy is often
the only accessible for the student form of expressing their
disagreement (moreover, quite a safe one) with the suggested
“conditions of existence”, complicated or boring lectures, highly
demanding teachers, disciplinary reprisals of the dean’s office
etc. By the way, according to the sociological research carried
out in KhPI in 2000-2004 (the same 225 students of all
departments were questioned once a year) every third student says
that learning materials are put into a learner-unfriendly form,
while 44.7% of first-year students, 46.5% of second-year students
and 41.6% of third-year students complain about the saturated
schedule of mandatory tasks. How can oppositionist texts fail to
appear on desks, if 51.8% of students in their second year are
already disappointed with their choice of profession or
university, among third-year students the figure is 61.2%, among
forth-year students it is 61.1%! With the time passing, the
interest in the learning process is, as we can see,
falling.
“Being alternative to the official culture”
remains essential for the modern Ukrainian authors of graffiti.
The powerful parody current in the students’ creative work is
directly connected to the purposeful “debasing” of official
literature, pronouncedly drastic vulgarization and profaning of
“those lyrical things”.
This is clearly the obstinate rejection of
“ready-made” texts, truths and life schemes which are to be taken
for granted. This is a form of cultural and generational
alienation from the adult world with its tedious institutional
means of upholding the “morality”.
The predominantly negative evaluation by
teenagers of the
“process of the compulsory obtaining of information” is,
of course, connected with the well-known age-related negativism,
the attitude to antonymic perception of the “parent” discourse,
but at the same time it is also an evidence of the real faults in
the existing educational system.
As to the extension of the “sphere of
influence” of graffiti, we must say that a great number of them
sill remains functional only within their “mother” subcultures.
Out of a certain locus (a class-room in this case) many of them
lose their meaning. Many of the above-mentioned graffiti are not
known at all beyond the social group of students, even among
teachers who linked to students. That is why the openness and
readiness to participate in a dialogue (a polylogue) of student
graffiti authors do not mean that the replies received will be
got from “outside” (it is difficult to imagine a teacher writing
an answer to his student offender. So, we are speaking here about
intragraffiti communication locked within its community, though
not so hermetically as some other youth subcultures.
To sum up, it should be said that it is
graffiti – a parafolklore means of keeping and transmitting
folklore information – that give us the most adequate, unadorned
vision of the studentship. Of course, the image we get is that
of a brutally charming trickster, of a unpleasant (lazy, sly,
cynic, unlearned) and not intelligent person (even not in the
future). Is it the true picture of an average modern student and
why is it what we see in the mirror of folklore? May the mirror
be distorting?
One of the answers is tradition. In the
base mass culture the main features of the student have
been carelessness, merry-making and alcohol-drinking since the
times of
the vagants.
Nonetheless, we should say that
alcohol-drinking is of a declarative and conditional nature (as
well as drug-taking and erotomania are mainly virtual) and the
verbalization of desires, fulfilling the compensatory function
can often successfully substitute their realization in the
real. Even real-life student binges are often akin to
rituals. Demonstrative deviancy (not so considerable in its
percentage – according to K.E. Shumov only 22% of all writings in
the Perm university touch upon untraditional sexual relationship
10 and we observe practically the same situation) is a
sure sign of the necessity of self-affirmation: you cannot stand
out if you are the same as the others?
Foreign words in inscriptions are also a mark
of distinction and initiation, but this “esoteric quality”
contains an oppositional element not only towards the profane,
but towards the official
Ukrainian culture.
Swear words which are not a common language of
communication for many students, as our research shows, are still
used in some on-desk writings – and this is also a mark of
belonging to a subculture, where this stratum of vocabulary is as
used (to a certain degree) as jargonisms of different origin and
specific student slang. The function of swear words in this case
is differentiating and integrating: they are to demonstrate the
distancing of the person from the official sphere and to show the
integration of a person into the “people’s sphere” (“the large
world”) and into his own subculture (not only student, but youth
subculture in general). Oppositionist approach is naturally
present here, though it is not consciously realized by the
culture’s representatives. Unfortunately, for many young people
swear words are a mark of
freedom and absence of inhibitions in a person, of democratic
communication, that is why they remain prestigious among the
young.
The informational value of the students’
epigraphy is exceptionally high. It is graffiti that show us the
whole range of musical and sports likings of the young (view the
photo), that tell us about their political views, esthetic tastes
and – what is most important – about the most “sore issues” which
are not as a rule discussed with adults (first of all, sexual
life). It is graffiti that being an “alternative to the official
discourse”
11 convince us that the student is in a major degree
Homo ludens and it is not possible not to take this fact
into account in pedagogical activity.
The image of “the funny and the resourceful”
was born long before the appearance of the KVN game itself (
the Russian abbreviation for
A Club for the Funny and the Resourceful) and it is
remarkable that the game, stemming from the legendary students
“joking parties” and remaining a phenomenon of students’
subculture, has overstepped the boundaries of the subculture and
has become an integral part of the common Soviet and post-Soviet
culture thanks to the television. Resourcefulness (ingenuity,
wit) is the opposite of “time-consuming” and “workaholic” which
are, alas, indispensable for fundamental sciences and, in fact,
the basically folklore (relayed through jokes and graffiti) image
of the truant student is simply a modification of Ivan the fool
who is, for some reason, inevitably lucky unlike his “positive”
and hard-working brothers. The notorious “laziness” of students,
a demonstrative unwillingness to study (to perform their basic
duty) is not, in a number of cases, the reflection of real
inclinations but just a convenient
mask that allows to hide for a certain period of time the
student’s creativity and considerable mobilizing reserves.
The “humorous world” of students is really
all-encompassing: desanctification of both the Science and the
“Temple of Science” and its priests has taken place long ago and
there is nothing to be done about it. One of the key reasons for
it may be the fact that “academic liberties give an independent
and critical view of life”
12. Total ridicule of everything and everyone,
burlesque overturning of high values and ideals are salvation
from boredom and dreariness of every-day life, from
over-seriousness of its Majesty “the learning process”. That is
why one of the answers to the question: “Why do people write on
desks and walls?” was “kidding”. The word explains many things.
It is clear that the phenomenon is very ancient; what was
Diogenes doing if not kidding? Nevertheless, if we take
“kidding as a factor of modern culture” and realize that
“to be kidding means to express oneself in a creative way and to
demonstrate the freedom of thought and of action in an individual
and original manner”
13, then we have to admit that the young have an
existential need in such kind of “creative behavior”.
(M.M. Bakhtin) Despite the proclivity to topple over everything,
the student subculture keeps their “faith in the possibility of
communication” that was called “philosophic faith” and viewed as
the only possible salvation for the humanity by K. Jaspers.
Through the roughness and “holy simplicity” of student epigraphy
it is easy to see
a breathing human feeling,
a natural self-expression of the personality warmed by
the limitless self-irony (which is a sign of moral
health), it is easy to hear an eternal cry of every intelligent
human being: I want to be understood!
1. Ãóðåâè÷ Ï.Ñ. Ñóáêóëüòóðà // Êóëüòóðîëîãèÿ. ÕÕ âåê.
Ýíöèêëîïåäèÿ,– ÑÏá., 1998.– Ò.2 – Ñ. 236.
2.
See
,
for
example
: Êèñåë¸âà Þ.Ì. Ìàãèÿ è ïîâåðüÿ â ìîñêîâñêîì ìåäó÷èëèùå //
Æèâàÿ ñòàðèíà. –1995. – ¹1.– Ñ. 23; Àíåêäîòû íàøèõ ÷èòàòåëåé.
Âûï. 1-45. – Ì., 1996 – (Áèá
-
êà “Ñòóäåí÷åñêîãî ìåðèäèàíà”); Ìàäëåâñêàÿ Å.Ë. Óêàç. cî÷. –
C. 33-34; Ëèñ Ò.Â., Ðàçóìîâà È.À. Ñòóäåí÷åñêèé ýêçàìåíàöèîííûé
ôîëüêëîð // Æèâàÿ ñòàðèíà.– 2000.– ¹4. – Ñ. 31–33; Õàð÷èøèí Î.
Íîâî÷àñíèé ôîëüêëîð Ëüâîâà
: òâîðåííÿ, ôóíêö³îíóâàííÿ, ñïåöèô³êà ðåïåðòóàðó
// Ìàòåð³àëè äî óêðà¿íñüêî¿ åòíîëî㳿. Çá. íàóê. ïðàöü. – Êè¿â.,
2002. – Âèï.. 2 (5). – Ñ. 435 –437; Áîðèñåíêî Â. ³ðóâàííÿ ó
ïîâñÿêäåííîìó æèòò³ óêðà¿íö³â íà ïî÷àòêó ÕÕ² ñòîë³òòÿ // Åòí³÷íà
³ñòîð³ÿ íàðîä³â ªâðîïè: Çá. íàóê. ïðàöü. – Êè¿â
, 2003. – Ñ. 4-10; Êîâàëü-Ôó÷èëî È. ×óäåñíîå â êàðòèíå ìèðà
ñîâðåìåííîãî ñòóäåíòà â Óêðàèíå // ×óäåñíîå è îáûäåííîå
:
/ Ñá. ìàòåðèàëîâ íàó÷. êîíô. – Êóðñê, 2003.– Ñ.
9-15.
3.
See
: Øóìîâ Ê.Ý.
Ñòóäåí÷åñêèå òðàäèöèè // Ñîâðåìåííûé ãîðîäñêîé ôîëüêëîð. –
Ì., 2003.– Ñ. 165 – 179; Ìàòàëèí Ì.Ã. Ôîëüêëîð âîåííûõ ó÷èëèù //
Òàì æå. – Ñ. 180-185.
4.
See
: Áàæêîâà Å.Â., Ëóðüå Ì.Ë., Øóìîâ Ê.Ý. Ãîðîäñêèå ãðàôôèòè
// Ñîâðåìåííûé ãîðîäñêîé ôîëüêëîð. – Ì., 2003. – Ñ.
440
.
5. Íåêëþäîâ Ñ.Þ. Ôîëüêëîð ñîâðåìåííîãî ãîðîäà //
Ñîâðåìåííûé ãîðîäñêîé ôîëüêëîð. – Ì., 2003. – Ñ. 21.
6
. Áàæêîâà Å.Â. è äð. Óêàç. ñî÷. – Ñ. 444.
7. Ïëóöåð-Ñàðíî À. Ìàãèÿ ñîâðåìåííîãî ãîðîäà //
http://www.
russ.
ru/
journal/
ist_
sovr/98-12-14/
pluts.
htm
8. Áàæêîâà Å.Â. è äð. Óêàç. ñî÷. – Ñ. 445.
9. Òàì æå.
10. Øóìîâ Ê.Ý. “Ýðîòè÷åñêèå” ñòóäåí÷åñêèå ãðàôôèòè. Íà
ìàòåðèàëàõ ñòóäåí÷åñêèõ àóäèòîðèé Ïåðìñêîãî óíèâåðñèòåòà // Ñåêñ
è ýðîòèêà â ðóññêîé òðàäèöèîííîé êóëüòóðå / Ñîñò. À.Ë. Òîïîðêîâ.
– Ì., 1996. – Ñ. 454.
11. Áàæêîâà Å.Â. è äð. Óêàç. ñî÷. – Ñ. 4
38
.
12. Êðàâ÷åíêî À.È. Êóëüòóðîëîãèÿ: Ó÷åáíîå ïîñîáèå äëÿ
âóçîâ. – Ì.
,
2000. – Ñ. 335.
13. Â÷åðàøíÿÿ À. Ïðèêîë êàê ôàêòîð ñîâðåìåííîé êóëüòóðû //
Äèêîå ïîëå. Äîíåöêèé ïðîåêò. Èíòåëëåêòóàëüíî-õóäîæåñòâåííûé
æóðíàë.– Äîíåöê, 2002. – Âûï. 2. – Ñ. 172-179.
Ìèõàéëî Êðàñèêîâ
(Õàðê³â)
Óêðà¿íñüêà ñòóäåíòñüêà ñóáêóëüòóðà ó äçåðêàë³
åï³ãðàô³êè
Ó ðîáîò³ äîñë³äæóþòüñÿ íàñò³ëüí³ òà íàñò³íí³
íàïèñè ³ ìàëþíêè õàðê³âñüêèõ òà êè¿âñüêèõ ñòóäåíò³â, ç³áðàí³
àâòîðîì ïðîòÿãîì 1990–2005 ðð. Ö³ ãðàô³ò³ (á³ëüø³ñòü ç ÿêèõ º
ô³êñàö³ºþ ôîëüêëîðíèõ òâîð³â) äàþòü çìîãó ñêëàñòè óÿâëåííÿ íå
ò³ëüêè ïðî ìóçè÷í³, ñïîðòèâí³, ïîë³òè÷í³ òà ³íø³ óïîäîáàííÿ
ñòóäåíò³â, à é âçàãàë³ ç’ÿñóâàòè ñóòí³ñí³ õàðàêòåðèñòèêè
ñòóäåíòñüêî¿ ñóáêóëüòóðè. ßê ñâ³ä÷èòü åï³ãðàô³êà, íèìè â ïåðøó
÷åðãó º â³äêðèò³ñòü, áåçóïèííå ïðàãíåííÿ äî âñåá³÷íî¿
êîìóí³êàö³¿, âèñîêà ö³íí³ñòü â³ëüíîãî ñàìîâèÿâëåííÿ îñîáèñòîñò³,
äîì³íóâàííÿ ñì³õîâîãî òà ³ãðîâîãî (êàðíàâàëüíîãî)
åëåìåíò³â.
|